Monday, October 15, 2007

[Toronto] October 18 Launch for Upping The Anti #5

Come Celebrate the Launch of Issue Five of
Upping The Anti: A Journal of Theory and Action

Thursday October 18 8:00pm
Smiling Buddha Bar
961 College Street, West of Dovercourt

DJs Miss Ruckus & Big Eva Edna
Raffles and More

Admission $7 with Journal, $5 without


[[[ISSUE FIVE CONTENTS]]]

- Interviews with Sunera Thobani, Gord Hill, and Michael Hardt

- Articles on the Alberta Tar Sands, The Canadian Federation of Students, and the Resistance to the 'War on Terror'

- Roundtable on Political Prisoner Struggles with Ashanti Alston, Robert 'Seth' Hayes, Susan Tipograph, and Sara Falconer

- Reviews and More...


[[[THE WORD ON THE STREET]]]

“Upping the Anti ... positions itself within contemporary social justice struggles, serving as a catalyst and forum for debate ... The journal’s commitment to ‘theory and action’ is demonstrated through its focus on building conceptual tools, its poaching of analytic devices from a multiplicity of academic disciplines and its attention to questions of accessibility.” - The Dominion

"Upping the Anti is an exciting new journal printed in Canada that does one of my favorite things: they argue. ... Putting the toughest arguments to print means we move forward, or at least open the door." - Red Flag Magazine



This Week: The Red Army Faction



Some of you have noticed that i have not been blogging very much over the past few months. Unfortunately, this situation may get worst before it gets any better.

The reason for this lack of blogging, as i may have mentioned, is that i have been very busy collaborating on a book about the Red Army Faction, the West German Marxist-Leninists who engaged in armed struggle in that country during the 1970s and 1980s.

What started some years ago (!) as an ambiguous project has grown to over 1,000 pages, and at this point will certainly require two volumes. It will be co-published by Kersplebedeb in early 2008.

Although the books are not ready yet, we decided to draw upon them to provide a series of pieces this week, the thirtieth anniversary of one of the RAF's most ambitious, though ultimately unsuccessful, campaigns.

For the rest of this week i will be uploading these pieces. You are strongly encouraged to forward them to other sites and email lists, all that we ask is that you leave the information about the book project and contact information intact.

These pieces will all be mirrored at http://www.germanguerilla.com



Reasonable Accommodation Hearings: On the creation of a Muslim boogeywoman

On September 28 Christine Pelchat of the Quebec Council on the Status of Women proposed that the provincial government forbid public employees from wearing religious clothing - not only the Muslim headscarf but also the Jewish kippa, though, surprise surprise, crucifixes on necklaces would be ok because they're not immediately visible!

The Council, for those of you from elsewhere, is not a feminist group: it is a government body. Pelchat is a seasoned politician, having served as a Liberal MP in the eighties and early nineties. More recently she was head of staff for the Minister of Public Security at the time that Mohamed Anas Bennis was murdered by Montreal police and then head of staff for the Minister of the Family and the Elderly prior to her current stint at the Quebec Status of Women.

The proposal came a few days after Lise Bourgault's call to ban all religious clothing in any public place at all. Bourgault is a former Conservative Federal MP, currently mayor of the small town of Brownsburg-Chatham about an hour's drive northwest of Montreal. Her statement was full of the geographic anxieties of those outside out of the dynamic metropolitan centers, as she complained of going to the (Greek) Adonis market in Laval and seeing women in veils walking behind their husbands.

Such recommendations are racist, but to just say so is not enough. It's important to take a look at why they are racist. Not least because this racism is framed in anti-sexist terms.

Pelchat for instance preceded her recommendation with the bland proposition that gender equality trumps freedom of religion, which is uncontroversial and correct but seems to have put some people off their guard as to what came next. (How else to explain the fact that Pelchat's words won accolades from NEFAC Quebec City at the same time as they were embraced by provincial premier Jean Charest?)

Pelchat's proposition is racist because she has claimed the right to decide for women of other cultures how to define their own oppression and their own liberation.

In the proper context there is nothing racist with one person telling another their opinion, that they think this or that in their culture is problematic. We all come from fucked up cultures, and most of our cultures are getting more fucked up with every passing year.

But Pelchat is calling upon the State - a State controlled by white men in the service of capitalism - to suppress and repress those immigrant women who disagree with her.

What i find odious is not that she has said gender equality should take precedence over people's religions. It is rather the implication that in order for it to do so her (whitened and enlightened) freedom of conscience should take precedence over that of immigrant women. She'll be the big sister making the call for the wayward little girls who don't know any better.

There's a few aspects of all this i've been mulling over, so after a couple of weeks let's see if i can get them down...

1. Le Québec aux Québecois! (note the masculine...)

This hullabaloo about headscarves is largely a pissing contest to remind folks about who is in charge in Quebec. The headscarf has become a symbol, not of women's status, but of one's relationship to the State and to the "mainstream".

The point is to establish that Quebec has a culture, and that this culture has roots in the Roman Catholic French Canadian experience. Thus churches and crosses are part of "our" heritage. Lipstick and halter tops are part of where "we" are at now. Parts of "our" identity.

Which is why you won't find people like Pelchat banning sexist songs from school kids' ipods, or banning cosmetics or skirts or other gendered pieces of clothing from the civil service. Certainly you won't find the latest sexist production from Hollywood pulled from the province's theaters.

That's because this is a false anti-sexism, a pseudo-feminist fig leaf meant to cover up the real source of anxiety.

(In this regard the anarchist Workers Solidarity Movement were right on the mark when they noted that "For women who freely choose to wear the Islamic headscarf, it can be difficult to take being told you are oppressed for wearing it from a culture where around 5% of all females spend their teens puking over a toilet bowl so that they can look like Kate Moss.")

This concern with defining "our" culture is so pressing because the Quebec economy is increasingly dependent on immigrant labour, both within the formal economy but even more so for social reproduction, as people of colour are filling the gaps created by the feminist revolution of the twentieth century. La revanche du berceau is a double edged sword, and it is no longer sufficient or even relevant whether or not the children of white francophone Quebeckers assimilate or not... for Quebec to persist as a cultural-political entity immigrants need to assimilated into the Nation as quickly and seamlessly as possible.

The flipside to the ongoing de-settlerization (or will it be re-settlerization?) of Quebec and Canada is an increased emphasis on identity, on defining who "we" are, and insisting that others integrate into "us".

That this is felt most strongly by those within the white nations who have reaped the least benefits from imperialism is one of the cruel ironies of capitalism. Of course people living far away from the centers of power feel the most vulnerable. Of course they worry the most about being supplanted by this new proletariat. Of course they holler the loudest.

It is in this context that to not wear hijab - a decision a majority of Muslim women continue to make - is being transformed into a pledge of allegiance. A visible sign that a woman is "ok," is "one of us," or at least is willing to head in our direction. She won't raise her children to challenge "us" for "our" State, "our" economy, "our" cultural hegemony.

& wearing one, in turn, is being transformed into a statement of defiance.

(That this debate centers on women is only logical - it is immigrant women who will play a key role in determining the identity of immigrant children, the proletariat of tomorrow.)

2. Reasonable Accommodation Hearings: Wind in Racist Sails

The reasonable accommodation hearings provide the context behind this crap, and the are a brilliant set-up if i ever saw one.

Just prior to this spring's provincial elections the right-wing ADQ (Quebec Democratic Action) and media outlets decided to play the culture card, fomenting a debate about "reasonable accommodation." The term was stripped of its actual legal meaning, and became shorthand for "immigrant culture" and the perceived erosion of the traditional ethnic pecking order.

There were shock-horror stories about Jews enforcing kosher rules at a Montreal hospital, and forcing a gym to install tinted windows. Others about Muslims getting men banned from birthing classes for pregnant women, or insisting on the gender of driving instructors.

In each case the details proved less scandalous that the demagogues presented them, and in many cases in fact these were reasonable measures taken to accommodate people. Nevertheless, the question had become a political hot potato, and before you could say "kulturkampf" girls were getting banned from sports events for wearing hijab and white folks were up in arms about the few dozen women in Quebec who wear niqab being allowed to vote.

The ruling Liberal party was in a quandry. On the one hand, the Liberals cannot win an election without support from the Quebecois majority, on the other hand the Liberals are the party which maintains absolute hegemony within Quebec's minority communities, and which has the job of integrating these communities within the federalist camp.

The solution was typical: set up a roaming commission headed by two fancy intellectuals to deal with the issue.

Clearly, the Liberals hoped that in so doing the would defuse the ADQ's new hobby horse. Yet from an anti-racist perspective this ploy is bound to fail, in fact it is bound to make things worst.

Let's be clear: when this is all over commissioners Taylor and Bouchard are going to come up with some mildly inoffensive nostrums about tolerance, a "Quebec model" of integration, and the need for greater understanding so that we can all get along. It is conceivable that they wrote - or were given - their final recommendations before the traveling circus even began. The commission is intended to give everyone the appearance of consultation, but really there is not much that is open to debate.

The reason this will make things worst is two-fold.

By setting up a commission on this question the very debate on "reasonable accommodation" is legitimized. As one intervention after another has made clear, everyone knows that this debate is really about the status of immigrants in tomorrow's Quebec. As such, the commission is just a soap-box for xenophobia, making it seem like the position of racists and that of immigrants are somehow equally valid.

Furthermore, the commission will not defuse anything. Once "the people" have had their say and "the eggheads" ignore them, or only pay them lip service, the stage will be set for a new round of demagogy. As long as they remain in opposition the ADQ and Pauline Marois' new "PQ identitaire" will be able to position themselves as the only authentic voices of the people. More worrisome though, this combination of racism and feeling of being ignored by those in power will prepare the ground for the seeds of fascism, of a new round of far right mobilization and organization.

For the moment this may not be such a bad thing so far as the Liberals are concerned. While they are on the defensive, they are still ahead in comparison with the PQ, which was decimated by the rise of the ADQ in the last elections. Now, with PQ leader Pauline Marois' turn towards a nationalism based on "identity", the PQ and ADQ might potentially be played off against each other in subsequent elections - or so the Liberals must be hoping.

Immigrants, people of colour and other "foreigners" will be the only ones with anything to lose.

Or at least that is what i see down the road.



3. Freedom of Religion is a Red Herring


The ADQ, the Liberals and the racist media have all been very careful to frame this debate in terms of "gender equality vs. freedom of religion."

Take a moment to think of why.

Freedom of religion is a strawman. It's something progressive people are used to "supporting" without really thinking about it, the way reformists support all kinds of bourgeois "freedoms", and so it's a bicycle we can be tricked into riding without noticing that both tires are flat.

To be clear: freedom of conscience is an important thing to struggle for. The ability to think things out for yourself and to act on these thoughts is a prerequisite for political action, for radical theory, for revolution and liberation.

Similarly, opposition to racism is vital. Capitalism requires the constant incorporation of subject peoples, of communities which are marked out for proletarianization by way of their putative "racial" identity. And other communities which are slated for privilege on condition that they play the role of overseer. That today we are told it is a matter of culture, and a hundred years ago we were told it was a matter of biology, indicates a change in scientific discourse, not in political facts. Opposing this racism is an essential component of opposing capitalism and all forms of oppression.

But problems arise when these two important values are shoehorned into the concept of "freedom of religion."

Religions are codified collections of rules and beliefs, bearing all the marks of their contradictory histories and struggles, both internal and external. Freedom of religion can be included within freedom of conscience, but on its own it negates it. The former privileges certain beliefs over others, whereas the latter implies that the freedom to believe in god must go hand in hand with the freedom of apostasy and the freedom of blasphemy.

Based on such a narrow freedom, no mobilization against the racist "reasonable accommodation" debate will succeed. Rather, the oppressed will be pitted against each other, or pushed into schizophrenic positions of favouring one aspect of their identity over others (feminist or believer? queer or Muslim? atheist or immigrant?)

The effect of such a false dichotomy will not be to actually support the rights of women, but rather to inhibit people from uncovering the actual relationship between patriarchy, racism and capitalism.

As radicals we have to look at every mobilization as a stepping stone to the next. Until eventually we get to fight for something worth keeping. If today's struggles prepare us for tomorrow's, what kind of preparation is a defense of religious orthodoxy going to prepare us for? Solidarity with whom, and under what conditions?



Tonight: Rejecting the "Reasonable Accommodation" Commission

A network of individuals involved in various groups / organizations / collectives have been in discussion throughout recent weeks concerning the Quebec 'debate' on 'Reasonable Accommodation'.

This past weekend members of Al-Hidaya Association, Tadamon! Montreal, No One is Illegal, Solidarity Across Borders, Immigrant Workers Center and individuals met to discuss the possibility of a wide range of responses and actions to counter the discourse that is occurring in Quebec. During this meeting many people expressed the concern that the issues raised in the hearings stem not only from ignorance but also from racism. They felt the importance OF addressing this racism, particularly within the larger political context, in Quebec, Canada and internationally, in which the 'war on terror' and Canada's role in Afghanistan is hotly contested.

We invite organisations and individuals to bring proposals of actions, protest, popular education strategies, and ideas to this meeting so that we can coordinate a campaign that includes a wide breadth of responses.

=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=
October 15th, 2007, 7pm
Center Communautaire Musulman de Montreal [CCMM]
3300 Cremazie East, corner of St. Michel
Metro: Saint-Michel.
Bus 67 North, Until Cremazie
=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=

Background on the Reasonable Accommodation debate: Currently, the debate as we know it was triggered by municipal town council of HŽrouxville passing a "code of conduct" that made many assumptions about the lives and practices of Muslim and Sikh peoples. Over the past year, the tone of this debate carried into many different spheres of Quebec society: women were stopped from wearing hijabs while playing sports, the Sikh kirpan 'debate' was brought back into the fore, healthcare preferences for Jewish, Muslim, Sikh and Hindu people were questioned. This is a small range of examples of the practices that were brought into question in Quebec with a great deal of media attention and controversy.

In response to the growing debate around Reasonable Accommodation, Premier Jean Charest appointed a two man commission to investigate the issue and report back by 31 March 2008. Its formal title is the Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences.

The commission is holding consultation in most regions of Quebec, including Rouyn-Noranda, Sept-Iles and Saguenay, Que., where few of the tensions which sparked the commission exist because the populations consist of relatively culturally homogenous communities living alongside indigenous communities. The Commission will listen to individuals, organizations and experts on Quebec identity, religion, and 'integration'of so-called cultural communities. The Commission will reach Montreal on:

  • November 27th: FR. Hearing. 7pm - 9:30pm
  • November 29th: EN. Hearing. 7pm - 9:30pm

For more information on the hearing:




Thursday, October 04, 2007

Not Hopping on Every Bandwagon

You can fool some of the people some of the time...


POLITICS-IRAN: Islamist, Socialist Revolutions Don't Mix
By Kimia Sanati

Credit:Max Strohmeier/Wikimedia


TEHRAN, Oct 3 (IPS) - An attempt to rope in the son and daughter of the Argentine revolutionary Ernesto Che Guevara to forge a parallel between Iran's Islamist revolution and the socialist revolution in Latin America through a four-day conference has ended in fiasco.

After Aleida Guevara protested from the podium against perceived distortions of her father's ideology by the first Iranian speaker, Haj Saeed Ghasemi, the four-day 'Che Like Chamran' conference, that started Sep. 25, was aborted and the Latin American guests whisked away.

'Che Like Chamran', the title of the conference, was chosen for the alliteration in the names of the two revolutionaries and because both Che and the Iranian, Mostafa Chamran, fought alongside revolutionaries in other countries. But the similarities end there, no matter what the organisers intended to promote.

Chamran, a United States-educated engineer and Islamist, helped Mousa Sadr found the Amal Movement in southern Lebanon and fought alongside Amal guerrillas in the late 1970s. Appointed the young Islamic Republic's defence minister by Ayatollah Khomeini, Chamran organised and led paramilitary forces during the early phase of the Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988) and was killed in battle in the Khuzistan province in 1981.

"We feel responsible towards all of humanity...unity is of especial importance to us. The reason for the relations established between our student group and the children of Che Guevara and the Latin American countries is what we have in common," Morteza Firoozabadi, secretary of the Pro-Justice Student Movement (PJSM), explained to the Islamic Students News Agency (ISNA).

"We are never afraid of death and that is what Americans are most scared of. They cannot accuse us simply by citing things like terrorism, seeking war or breaching human rights. We only aim to free the oppressed and to restore the rights of all the people of the world so we do not recognise borders and do not care what names Americans use for this," Firoozabadi was reported by ISNA as saying.

Organised by the student militia of Tehran University, the conference was attended mostly by counterparts from various other universities as well as members of hardline student groups such as the PJSM that strongly support President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's policies. These groups regularly organise demonstrations and protest rallies against the US and other western countries.

But Ghasemi, who is associated with Iran's Esteshhadiyoun (volunteers of suicide operations) must take credit for scuttling the conference. Referring to a translated version of a Che Guevara book that he held in his hand, he said Che Guevara was religious and believed in God. "The people of Cuba, Fidel (Casro) and Che Guevara were never socialists or communists. Fidel has several times admitted that he and Che and the people of Cuba hated the Soviets for all they had done.''

''Today communism has been thrown into the trash bin of history as it was predicted by Ayatollah Khomeini," Ghasemi told the conference and added that the only way to save the world was through the ''the religious, pro-justice movement''.

An indignant Aleida, however, started her own address "in the name of the people of Cuba". "We are a socialist nation," she asserted. She also said the people of Cuba were grateful to the Soviet Union and there had never been any discord between the two nations, as mentioned by Ghasemi. She advised him to "always refer to original sources instead of translations to find out about Che Guevara's beliefs".

"My father never talked about God. He never met God. My father knew there was no absolute truth,'' Aleida said, responding to Ghasemi's speech. The coverage of her address by state-sponsored news agencies like ISNA was brief and excluded most of her contradictory remarks.

At a meeting later with students of Amir Kabir University of Technology,where the leftist groups are particularly strong, Camilo Guevara told students he approved of all that his sister had said at the conference, ISNA reported.

The other main speaker, Mehdi Chamran, brother of Mostafa Chamran, avoided mention of Che Guevara or his ideology in his address. Chamran, who is chairman of the Tehran City Council is a loyal supporter of Ahmadinejad.

''President Ahmadinejad's promotion of closer ties with certain Latin American countries such as Venezuela, Cuba, and Bolivia called for some kind of identification of his brand of Islamist militant ideas with those of the leftists in Latin American countries,'' a leftist student activist from Amir Kabir University told IPS on the condition of anonymity.

"Ahmadinejad has visited several Latin American countries over the past two years. He has brought (Hugo) Chavez and (Daniel) Ortega here. Belief in socialism is considered a crime in the Islamic state, punishable by death. Ahmadinejad's slogans against the West and the U.S., his pro-justice rap, and his promises of economic assistance bring them here -- much to our disappointment," she said. "Daniel Ortega and other leftist leaders too must clarify their position about their relations with Iran. We feel greatly betrayed when for their countries' economic benefit they choose to support extreme rightists, fascists like Ahmadinejad," she added.

Following Aleida's outspoken address to the conference, the organisers took flak from their own comrades. "It is appreciable to commemorate Che Guevara as a revolutionary figure. Otherwise, our former perspectives on his ideas, methods and attitude are still the same. We are Muslims and he is non-Muslim. The difference will always remain," Mohammad Sedaghat, the leader of Student Militia of Shahed University was quoted by ISNA as saying.

"Chamran was a revolutionary Shiite Muslim whereas Che Guevara was totally atheistic. The only thing they had in common was their spirit of fighting injustice. For choosing friends we must meet other criteria, such as being God-loving -- besides being anti-American," Sedaghat was reported as saying.

Mohammad Jaffar Irani, a reformist student activist, was quoted by ISNA as pointing out that the same group that organised the conference had always considered Che Guevara an atheist. "If anyone other than the (hardline) group that organised this event had done so they would have gotten into a great deal of trouble,'' he was quoted saying.

"The organisers of the event were hardline supporters of Ahmadinejad who have nothing in common with leftists, even the Islamic leftists of the early days of the (Iranian) revolution. President Ahmadinejad has in fact much in common with President Bush, although he may sound very 'leftist'," an observer in Tehran told IPS on condition of anonymity.

"Leftist countries must realise that if the issues that make the Iranian hardliners confront the West such as its demand to be accepted to the nuclear club are resolved, today's leftist allies may instantly turn into their common enemies," he said.

"Unfortunately some wrong approaches (remarks) diverted the course of the conference from (discussing) commonalities to the differences (between the two revolutionaries). This caused the conference to be deviated from its main course,'' Sajjdad Saffar Harandi, leader of the Student Militia (Basij) in Tehran University, told the pro-Ahmadinjead website Raja News, explaining the fiasco.



l'état d'exception



a little translation question:

"l'état d'exception"

i know what it means - a state which due to some crisis doesn't follow the rule of law. any idea how to translate it though? "authoritarian state", "martial law" and "autocracy" are all in the neighbourhood but definitely not at the right address...

let me know if you can...



Voix de Faits



A heads up to all of you who read French, especially those of you who live in Quebec: comrades from NEFAC-Quebec City have a new blog "Voix de Faits" which you should all be checking out regularly.

You don't have to be a platformist, or even an anarchist, to find a lot of good information and interesting analysis here. With postings almost every day so far, Voix de Faits is going a long way towards meeting the need for an anti-capitalist and anti-nationalist take on happenings in the province's capital.



Friday, September 28, 2007

Good Luck Lolo

An article from today's National Post about how the Canadian State tried to capture a former Roma (gypsy) guerilla, who had suffered ten days of torture at the hands of Franco's secret police, and deport him, presumably to Spain where the "post-fascist" State has expressed its desire to prosecute him him...

According to "United Nationa Human Rights Committee" document on the net, Torres lived in Toulouse, France from a very young age. From 1974 to 1977 he served time in prison for acts of sabotage committed against Spanish property in France. In 1979 - when Spain was just beginning it's transition to bourgeois democracy - he returned to Spain. On March 19th 1984 he was arrested by the special ervices of the Spanish Guardia Civil, which was still rife with fascists, and detained for ten days - this is presumably when he was tortured. He then went into exile, first in France,then Finland, and then Canada.

Good luck Lolo. And fuck the RCMP.

Terror suspect lived in B.C. as 'Lolo' the singer
Still At Large
Stewart Bell, National Post
Published: Friday, September 28, 2007

A Spanish man described by Canadian immigration officials as a former left-wing terrorist lived for a decade in B.C. as "Lolo," singer of a flamenco band called Los Canasteros.

Mario Ines Torres was being deported from Canada for terrorism last year when immigration officials in Vancouver lost track of him and issued a warrant for his arrest.

He has still not been found, but before he vanished he was a regular at a Vancouver tapas bar, where he sang and played guitar, and also performed at the Vancouver Folk Festival.

"When I sing, I am just a transport for the voice of my ancestors. I didn't choose to sing, they chose me," Lolo says on the band's Internet page, which says the band is named after the "Gypsies of Southern Spain."

"He's actually a very nice fellow," said Mark Bellini, manager of Kino Cafe, where Mr. Torres performed.

"He's very spiritual and a very down-to-earth kind of guy. Whatever his past was, I don't know.

"I know he hasn't been in Canada for quite a while," Mr. Bellini said.

The biography of Lolo on the Los Canasteros Web page describes how "migrant farm work and long periods of isolation in the mountains increased his empathy of human suffering and emotion, the underlying essence of flamenco music."

But according to Canadian immigration documents, his past also includes many years as a violent leftist and member of GARI, the International Revolutionary Action Group, and other radical groups.

In the 1970s, Mr. Torres allegedly kidnapped a bank director in France, planted two car bombs in Belgium, stole explosives and was caught in a Paris apartment with three handguns as he was preparing to rob a bank.

After being deported from Finland, he entered Canada and worked as a flamenco singer at Kino Cafe, which was then run by Margaret Moon.

He eventually married Ms. Moon, and they moved to an organic farm in remote D'Arcy, B.C.

"The last time I talked to him he had just finished getting his licence to be a butcher," Mr. Bellini said. He raised livestock at the farm and sold it in nearby Whistler. "He was selling to high-end restaurants."

Mr. Torres was returning to B.C. from Mexico in April, 2005, when he was stopped at the border. During an interview at the Pacific Region Enforcement Centre of the Canada Border Services Agency, he admitted he had been involved with GARI.

"He stated he had been a member of the organization known as the Group D'Action Revolutionnaire Internationalist (GARI) from 1974 to 1975," immigration officer Joanne Jesmer wrote in a report dated June 7, 2007.

"He stated that this organization conducted armed bank robberies to 'expropriate money from banks' and used explosives to destroy power lines to immobilize industry."

He also said he was "good friends" with Jean-Marc Rouillan, a former GARI member serving a life sentence for the 1987 murder of the CEO of French automaker Renault.

Mr. Torres has been wanted since he failed to appear for his own deportation hearing in Vancouver in January, 2006. "He's somewhere in Latin America as far as I know," said Robert Lee, a Roma author who met Mr. Torres. "I doubt if he's in Canada."

The RCMP took a renewed interest in Mr. Torres in June, when counterterrorism investigators found a photograph of him with two wanted members of the Basque terror group ETA.

The picture was taken in 2005 at Mr. Torres' isolated B.C. farm. The two suspected ETA members, Victor Bilbao and Ivan Sancho, have been arrested since the photo was taken.

Despite his alleged past as a terrorist, Mr. Torres was well-known in flamenco music circles and was even featured in a National Film Board documentary about ethnic Roma in Canada.

"The Roma were fighting against the fascists," he says in the film.

"I was 10 days and 10 nights under torture. Some people ask me today, 'Why you don't have kids now?' Well, because 10 days and 10 nights with electricity on your genitals makes you sterile."



Thursday, September 27, 2007

Former Communist Guerilla Jean-Marc Rouillan Granted Restricted Freedom - the French State Appeals...



Today the Paris sentencing court ruled in favour of Jean-Marc Rouillan's request for "restricted freedom". This qas quickly followed by news that the State was appealing this decision; the courts will rule within the next two months, but in the meantime Rouillan remains in prison. Nevertheless, this is a step forward...

Along with Georges Cipriani (who remains in prison), Nathalie Ménigon (who was granted restricted freedom a month ago) and Joëlle Aubron (who died of cancer in 2006), Rouillan was captured by French anti-terrorist police on February 21st 1987. The four, who had all conducted armed attacks as members of the communist guerilla group Action Directe, subsequently received double life sentences each, with no possibility of release for eighteen years. In prison they were often subjected to severe isolation, conditions crafted to induce psychological stress and traume; in the case of Ménigon these conditions led directly to a suicide attempt.

The Ne Laissons Pas Faire! Collective, a support group for the Action Directe prisoners, issued this short press release today:

Action Directe: Jean-Marc Rouillan Granted "Restricted Freedom"

The "Ne laissons pas faire!" collective notes the court's decision to grant "restricted freedom" to Jean-Marc Rouillan, a member of Action Directe who has been in prison for over twenty years. Under the anti-terrorist legislation [in France] this is the preliminary stage before one can be granted conditional release.

As with Nathalie Ménigon, this restricted freedom is still a form of semi-incarceration, and comes with a number of exceptional restrictions.

It would make no sense if Georges Cipriani did not now also receive restricted liberty.

Amongst the prisoners involved in this case, Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, an Arab communist militant who has been in prison since 1984 and eligible for release since 1999, is awaiting a ruling on his seventh application for conditional release on October 10th.

For our comrades' freedom, the struggle continues!

« Ne laissons pas faire ! » Collective
September 26th 2007

Action Directe was a communist guerilla organization which carried out a number of attacks in the 1970s and 80s, and at one point attempted to build a west european guerilla front with the West German Red Army Faction. Nevertheless, according to newspaper reports accompanying Rouillan's release, the former guerilla no longer sees a place for such actions, having told the court that "armed struggle is no longer on the agenda; anybody would consider the idea ridiculous today."

Over the past twenty years Rouillan has remained politically active behind bars. As the Journal Chretien notes:
In prison, Rouillan distinguished himself by his determination: he supported his comrades in Action Directe, he went on hunger strike, and he continued to write... his most recently published book, Lettres à Jules, a series of open letters to Jules Bonnot, the head of the Bonnot Gang of illegal militants who attacked several banks at the beginning of the 20th century, "expropriating" funds for the "anarchist cause." Lettres à Jules was published by Agone, along with Les voyages des enfants de l’extérieur, Rouillan's memoirs of his days in Spain, and Chroniques carcérales, a series of texts describing prison conditions in France. He is a regular contributor to the CQFD monthly publication.

The following is an excerpt from the Collective Biography of Action Directe members, icluded in the pamphlet Three Essays by Action Directe (available from Kersplebedeb or AK Press):
JEAN-MARC ROUILLAN was sixteen years old in 1968. From a left-wing family, he was nevertheless not very political. He has suggested that this might be what enabled him to engage in the revolt against totalitarianism with no hesitation. He was active with the CAL (Comité d’action Lycéen – Student Action Committee) in events in the neighborhoods north of Toulouse. He then joined the anarcho-communist movement, notably the Autonomous Libertarian Groups (translater’s note: Groupes Autonomes Libertaires – it is important to note that in Europe the word “libertarian” is not associated solely with anarcho-capitalism as in the United States, but also with left-wing anarchism and anti-authoritarianism).

These months were a time of intense learning where direct action was a common occurence in the many struggles within the revitalized revolutionary movement. Occupation committees in the factories, rent strikes in the cities, struggle against the police state…

Given that the city was rightly considered the capital of antifrancoist Spain, he then became involved in support work for the revolutionary struggle against Franco’s dictatorship. In 1970 he was a member of the first nucleus of the Movimente Iberico de Liberacion (MIL), the armed organization of the Barcelona (Catalunya) underground workers movement.

The MIL acquired funds for the solidarity chests and lent its political and technical support to the self-organized groups and the different fighting assemblies that were growing on the ground. It functioned as a network of anti-fascist resistance (the GACs, Groupes Autonomes de Combat – Autonomous Fighting Groups) but it also developed an anti-capitalist praxis tailored to this period: political autonomy for the working class, radical critique and anti-revisionism, against all collaboration with the “democratic” forces that only wanted to shepherd Francoism into a new authoritarian bourgeois regime. The MIL-GAC was destroyed by fierce repression. One of its members, Salvador Puig Antich, was the last political prisoner to be sentenced to death by garrotting (March 2nd 1974). Back in France, Jean-Marc worked to bring together many libertarian and autonomist groups willing to carry out international armed struggle against the dictatorship. Out of this came the GARI (Groupes d’Action Revolutionnaire Internationalistes – Internationalist Revolutionary Armed Groups) which were active at this time in many European countries. Jean-Marc was arrested in 1974, but when Franco died he was amnestied and released in Spring 1977.

He then started working to bring together the post-May ‘68 autonomist movement with the new expressions of autonomous working class struggle that came out of ’68 and the battles of the late seventies, and which found most of their inspiration in the various Italian theses. He worked to set up underground groups like the Coordinations Autonomes (trans: Autonomous Coordinations) and to generalize actions and resistance. The fruit of this labor was Action Directe, born in early 1978.

Regarding todays events, and Rouillan's prospects in the immediate future. one can also read the following article from the AFP press service:

PARIS (AFP) — After Nathalie Ménigon this summer, on Wednesday the Paris sentencing court granted restricted freedom to Jean-Marc Rouillan, a former member of Action Directe, a far left armed organization. The parquet court is appealing this decision.

During the September 4th hearing the Paris parquet had requested that Rouillan remain incarcerated. This afternoon it confirmed that it would be appealing the sentencing court's decision, which effectively suspends the restricted freedom decision.

According to his lawyer Jean-Louis Chalanset, Jean-Marc Rouillan, who has been in prison for twenty years after having received two life sentences, will have his request examined "within two months" by the Paris sentencing appeals court.

The co-founder of Action Directe was supposed to be transferred on October 22nd from Lannemezan (in the Upper Pyrenees) to a halfway house in Marseille, where he has a job waiting for him at a publishing house. This however has been put on hold by the parquet's appeal.

As in the case of Nathalie Ménigon, another former member of Action Directe who has been in restricted freedom since August in the Toulouse area, Rouillan's new conditions will allow him to work during the day though he will have to return to prison at night.

According to Mr Chalanset, the sentencing court's ruling was the result of "the serious efforts at social rehabilitation" of the Action Directe co-founder, whose "behaviour in prison has evolved satisfactorily."

The court has found that "Armed struggle no longer seems to figure in his idea of political action," according to his lawyer.

Along with three other members of Action Directe - including Ms Ménigon, whom he married in 1999 in the Fleury-Mérogis prison - Mr Rouillan received a double life sentence for a variety fo crimes, including the assassinations of the Renault CEO Georges Besse and the arms engineer René Audran in the 1980s.

In 2005, after having finished the 18 years of his sentence for which there was no possibility of release, Rouillan filed an initial request for conditional release. It was rejected by the sentencing court, and then by the Pau appeals court in February 2006.

According to Alain Pojolat, of the "Ne Laissons Pas Faire" collective which supports former members of Action Directe, this time "the court was able to resist the pressure from the parquet".

He nevertheless remained cautious, and worried that the conditions of restricted freedom might be "very restrictive."

In the framework of restricted freedom, Rouillan "must not give any interviews or publish any documents relating to the acts for which he was condemned," according to Mr Chalanset. "He must also hand over 30% of his salary in restitution to his victims and the public purse."

At the Agone publishing house in Marseille, the possibility that Rouillan will be able to start working as an editor "in charge of preparing copy" was welcomed "with much emotion," according to Thierry Discepolo, the head of the publishing house. "We are already getting ready," he told AFP.

After Ménigon and Rouillan, "It would make no sense if Georges Cipriani did not now also receive restricted liberty," according to a press release from the Ne Laissons Pas Faire collective. According to Mr Pojolat, Cipriani is currently incarcerated in Entsisheim (Upper Rhine) and is supposed to file his request for restricted freedom in November.



Tuesday, September 25, 2007



This weekend's protest against the August 11th police attack on a communist demonstration in St-Jerome:


-------------------------------
A call from the RCP-Laurentides
-------------------------------

DEMONSTRATION AGAINST POLITICAL REPRESSION
IN SAINT-JÉRÔME
Saturday, September 29 at 1:00 p.m.
Gathering at Parc Curé-Labelle (corner Parent et Curé-Labelle)

On August 11, on the occasion of a demo organized by the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP) in Saint-Jérôme (30 kilometers north of Montréal), nine people have been arrested alledgedly because the organizers didn’t requested the police a “permission” to demonstrate.

On that day, some 50 people answered the call from the RCP-Laurentides and gathered to comdemn the work and living conditions of the workers under capitalism and call them to organize in order to change this situation. They were chanting slogans and circulating leaflets while marching in the streets when the cops arrived and arrested nine demonstrators without any warrant.

As it happened during the powerful student strike in 2005, the Saint-Jérôme police have showed their brutality, as they continue to crush any social or political movement they don’t like.

The police are not neutral; they defend the existing order -- the one from the rich and the bourgeois. This is why they are trying to crush all those who oppose the system and suggest an alternative world. But in Canada, in a society that claims to be champion of the democratic rights, we must fight to defend our right to be dissident and to fight the existing order. The August 11 arrests are a direct attack to our democratic rights, and this is why we have to oppose them boldly.

On September 29, we will again take to the streets in Saint-Jérôme. Come support us and say: No to political repression! We have the right to demonstrate where and when we want, without any interference from the police!

For a summary of the August 11 events (in French):
http://www.pcr-rcp.ca/fr/texte?id=67a.

To reach the RCP-Laurentides:
mailto:laurentides@pcr-rcp.ca.

*******************************************************
Transport available from Montréal:
- Meeting at 11:30 a.m. at the North entrance of the Crémazie metro station (near the FTQ building).
- Reserve your place by e-mail (mailto:info@pcr-rcp.ca) or by phone (514 409-2444).
*******************************************************



Speaking of St-Jerome...


Immigrants are “buying their way in” to Quebec,
Lise Provencher of St. Jérôme tells Gérard Bouchard and
Charles Taylor at hearings last night,
and Jews are “trampolines of money in the world.”

Well yeah timing is everything...

i haven't been blogging about the Bouchard-Taylor roving racist rendezvous, mainly because i thought i should wait til had time to provide something a little less than sketchy.

This is the "reasonable accommodation" commission, headed by two mildly liberal intellectuals, which was initiated by the provincial Liberal government just before this spring's elections in an effort to take some of the wind out of the sails of the more openly racist ADQ political party. It has started its audiences in the monocultural and conservative regions of Quebec, and so far at least it has fulfilled my expectations of being a forum for people to vent their racist phlegm.

i predict that - regardless of the "liberal" or "progressive" or "inclusive" conclusions Taylor and Bouchard might come up with - the entire exercise will at best amount to one (little) step forward and ten (big) steps back, as it serves to normalize racist discourse all under the guise of letting people "say out loud what everyone is thinking" (who wins the prize of telling me who that quote is from?)

At best racism and anti-racism will appear as two equally valid sets of opinion, at worst this will be one of those circuses where racist comes to be identified with "the people" and anti-racism is associated with snobbish intellectuals. And who loses then? You know who.

In any case, yesterday the commission was in St-Jerome, and here i am finding myself blogging about anti-communist police repression in St-Jerome today. Coincidences coincidences. As i mentioned in my previous entry, towns like St-Jerome have real potential for political organizing, but are neglected by most activists. Even people from these areas generally move to "the city" as soon as they can, with the end result that some towns have a bigger and more visible far right scene than they do a far left. And this suits the cops fine, which is probably a part of why they attacked the communist demo in St-Jerome on August 11th.

In any case, i'm all over the place i know, but here is an article from today's Montreal Gazette to give an idea of why we should be intervening in places like St-Jerome, why we can't surrender them to the right.

Laurentian residents vent anger with Hasidim
St. Jérome session becomes platform for bashing distinctive Orthodox sect
JEFF HEINRICH THE GAZETTE
ST. JÉRÔME –

In the 1st century AD, St. Jerome translated the Bible from Greek and Hebrew into Latin and pulled a thorn from the paw of a lion.

Two millennia later, a travelling commission on “reasonable accommodation” of religious minorities in Quebec made a stop yesterday in the Laurentian town named after him and tried to interpret the outcry of French Canadians over a new thorn in their side: Jews.

Ultra-orthodox Jews, more precisely – the Hasidim.

In the Laurentians, where more than 500,000 people live, the Hasidim are very much on people’s minds, judging from those who spoke at last night’s open-mike session.

“We’re playing the game of ... the great rabbis, with their archaic values,” resident JeanPierre Bouvrette told a packed hall of 175 people in downtown St. Jérôme, 60 kilometres northwest of Montreal.

“There are a lot of arguments, and we get along less and less,” said Val Morin resident Roger Cuerrier, complaining about the “ever-growing number” of Hasidic Jews in his village – and their “unreasonable” demands.

“The last shot they directed at us, was they set themselves up next to the baseball field and asked us to shut off the lights when they pray on Saturday evenings,” he said.

“It’s really a mentality that’s separate,” St. Hippolyte resident Lise Casavant said of the Hasidism, adding that immigrants should sign a new Quebec citizenship charter “or choose another province,” a sentiment several other speakers also evoked.

John Saywell, of Argenteuil, said when he hears a Hasidic Jewish leader speaking only in English on the TV news, he thinks it’s wrong. The community should make the effort to speak French, he said.

And Lise Provencher, of St. Jérôme, said immigrants are “buying their way in” to Quebec and that Jews are the worst because they’re “the most powerful. ... It’s always been said that the Jews are the trampoline of money in the world.” After she spoke, the crowd applauded.

A rare few last night blamed themselves as French Canadians.

“The main reason we’re here today is that we stopped having children,” said Loyola Leroux, of Prévost.

Listening impassively from the front of the room were the commission’s co-chairmen, historian Gérard Bouchard and philosopher Charles Taylor, with his left arm in a sling. Taylor is recovering from surgery that sidelined him for the first two weeks of the commission’s roadshow. He made his first appearance last night, saying that during his convalescence he’d been “burning” to attend.

The two men knew the Laurentians would be where they’d hear about the Hasidic question. The last few years have been full of Jewish news in the region, none of it good:

In late June, after hearing the Miramont sur le Lac resort in St. Adolphe d’Howard had been sold to a group of Hasidic Jews for $3.5 million, village manager Michel Binette complained he didn’t want to see the Miramont become “ghettoized.” After Jewish groups complained, St. Adolphe mayor Pierre Roy apologized for Binette’s remarks.

In Val David last June, a series of suspicious fires hit the town, particularly in the neighbourhood of Préfontaine, where about 50 families from the Satmar group of Hasidic Jews have cottages. The residents said they have been a frequent target of vandalism.

In 2005, the village of Val Morin spent nearly $100,000 in court against a group of the Belz sect of Hasidic Jews that converted two residences into a religious school and a synagogue. The Quebec Superior Court ruled in favour of the municipality, which said the Hasidim were contravening zoning laws. An appeal was heard last week and a decision is pending.

Hasidic Jews stand out by their separateness – even last night.

There were none in the crowd to defend the community.



The August 11th Police Attack in St-Jerome



On August 11th, one week before the protests against the SPP summit in Montebello, the police attacked a communist demonstration in the town of St-Jerome (population 25,000), about an hour north of Montreal.

The police attack, IMO, was motivated by two factors.

On the one hand St-Jerome is a small town with none of the activist scene you'll find in a big city like Montreal, and the cops are obviously quite happy to keep it that way. Indeed, it's not unusual in such towns to find that neo-nazis and fascists are considered more acceptable than communists or anarchists. While there are real possibilities for political action in places like St-Jerome, this is funneled quite effectively into xenophobic and conservative politics, often with a nationalist tinge. As in most towns, those people who are interested in radical ideas do what they can to move to the city, which further maintains an unhealthy political situation. All of this suits the cops just fine, and keeping things this way is one reason why they would want to show a heavy hand to any radical organizers who might try to set up shop in the area.

The second possible reason for the police attack has to do with timing, as a way to try to demobilize one of the more militant groups in the lead up to the Montebello protests. The RCP in Canada is a separate organization from the u.s. RCP, and promotes militant confrontation with the police. Back in 2001 when the Summit of the Americas was held in Quebec City, police documents were found in which it was revealed that the RCP in particular was considered a possible source of militant resistance. In this context, and also keeping in mind that Ottawa organizers with People's Global Action were arrested or bogus charges just before Montebello, it is possible that the August 11th police action was intended to discourage militant action the next week outside the SPP summit.

i was remiss in blogging about this at the time, but i'm doing so now as there is a demo planned this weekend (see next posting) in St-Jerome to protest this police repression. So read on... the following comes from the RCP website:


Here is a reminder of what happened on August 11th, based on reports in Le Drapeau Rouge-express and the local press:

The demonstration had been called by the RCP-Laurentides several weeks earlier, with the goal of promoting socialism and encouraging workers in St-Jerome to organize themselves for revolution. As planned, at 1pm roughly fifty demonstrators had gathered at Curé-Labelle Square. At which point members of the St-Jerome police force came to warn them that “they would respect their right to demonstrate on condition that they stay in the park or on the sidewalk”: which was to say that they had already made up their minds not to tolerate a demonstration in the streets of St-Jerome.

After a short speech by a comrade from the RCP who pointed out that this was the first time there was a communist demonstration in St-Jerome, and who denounced the harsh living and work conditions for workers in the region, the demonstrators enthusiastically took to the streets. Most of the demonstrators had red flags and chanted slogans against exploitation, for communism and for revolution. People on the street came up to the demo to find out more what it was all about; several seemed interested, and eagerly took the pamphlets and newspapers that were being distributed.

The demonstrators first stopped at the skate park, where another comrade briefly spoke about the conditions for young people in the region, who are faced with a high rate of unemployment, miserable wages and also a lot of repression : as in so many places, the police here target and harass those young people who they consider “marginal”.

The demonstration once again started moving. It was at the point of its second stop, in front of the Muller Forges, that a ton of cops (11 cars) suddenly rush onto the scene; there were cops from St-Jerome, of course, but also from other neighbouring towns like Sainte-Sophie, Saint-Hyppolite, Mirabel and Rivière du- Nord, as well as an agent from the Quebec Provincial Police’s intelligence unit. The cops jumped out of their cars and rushed the demonstrators, making a point of going after those who were holding the banners and loud speakers. Without giving any warning they started arresting people, yelling that everyone was going to be charged with “obstruction” (while in fact they were the ones who had come and obstructed a perfectly legal demonstration).

When a demonstrator – who was standing two meters away – simply asked a cop why they were doing this, the cop replied by dousing them with pepper spray. Another cop, who was doing as he was told but seemed completely confused, was also asked why people were being arrested; he answered that “You didn’t do anything but you did not ask for a permit, so I think that’s a case of obstruction”!

As the first people were arrested the majority of the demonstrators managed to flee through the surrounding streets and parks. In the end nine people were brought to the police station and given court dates to face charges of “obstructing a police officer”.

According to the police “logic”, the demonstrators broke the law by marching in the streets once they had been told not to. It seems that disobeying an order, even an order which is contrary to constitutional law, constitutes “obstruction” to police! It seems certain that such ridiculous charges will not hold up in court.

Politically Targetted Repression
In an article published in the August 24th edition of Saint-Sauveur’s weekly Accès newspaper, sergeant Robin Pouliot of the St-Jerome police confirmed the purely political nature of the police action. The reporter who spoke to him reported that “the banners which read ‘It is right to rebel!’ seemed to shock the police.” She quotes him as saying “When people distribute hateful pamphlets and break the law, they should expect a response…” Sergeant Pouliot doesn’t actually say what “law” the demonstrators broke: the “St Jerome police law” perhaps? or maybe his own private law?

These statements, as well as the presence of an officer from the QPP’s intelligence unit (who subsequently explained that she was there “to monitor the party”), shows that this was a case of deliberate and targeted political repression: the police admits having acted in order to prevent the expression of a communist point of view, which it considers “hateful”.

At the August 16th court appearance, the Crown Prosecutor assigned to the case tried to get additional release conditions imposed on the nine arrested demonstrators – whom she described as “dangerous criminals” – including forbidding them from returning to St-Jerome and most importantly, forbidding them from participating in the Montebello demonstrations against the SPP summit, which was taking place the next week. This request was denied by the court for technical reasons because the accused were not present, seeing as their presence was not required at that point of the legal proceedings. All of which makes the political nature of the August 11th police action even more clear.

A Political Battle Which Concerns Everyone

The RCP has already been active for some time in St-Jerome. Activists in the area are working to mobilize the workers and proletarian youth in the struggle against capitalism. This obviously doesn’t suit the local bourgeois, or the cops who defend them.

In 2005, during the student strike, the communists were there when the police targeted the student activists with repression. On the picket lines at the cegeps [kind of like colleges - translator], some cops acted like real pigs, punching students in the face with their bare fists.

It is clear that the police action of August 11th was no accident, whether it was motivated by a simple desire for “revenge” from the local police, or by a decision taken higher up to criminalize revolutionary communists (or some combination thereof). Regardless of what motivated it, this action should not be allowed to go unanswered.\

It goes without saying that the accused and their lawyers are preparing for a political battle in the trials which the State has imposed on them. The prosecution and the police are going to be made to publicly explain why they are still trying to apply the “padlock law” of Maurice Duplessis, which used to forbid “all communist propaganda in the province of Quebec” and which the Canadian Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional in… 1957!

But this battle does not only concern the accused, or the RCP, or the people who demonstrated on August 11th, and it has to do with a lot more than the courts : this case is of concern to all those who support the right to demonstrate, to resist and to rebel and to express dissident and revolutionary political ideas.

So let’s all go back to St-Jerome on September 29th!

Here is a reminder of what happened on August 11th, based on reports in Le Drapeau Rouge-express and the local press:

The demonstration had been called by the RCP-Laurentides several weeks earlier, with the goal of promoting socialism and encouraging workers in St-Jerome to organize themselves for revolution. As planned, at 1pm roughly fifty demonstrators had gathered at Curé-Labelle Square. At which point members of the St-Jerome police force came to warn them that “they would respect their right to demonstrate on condition that they stay in the park or on the sidewalk”: which was to say that they had already made up their minds not to tolerate a demonstration in the streets of St-Jerome.

After a short speech by a comrade from the RCP who pointed out that this was the first time there was a communist demonstration in St-Jerome, and who denounced the harsh living and work conditions for workers in the region, the demonstrators enthusiastically took to the streets. Most of the demonstrators had red flags and chanted slogans against exploitation, for communism and for revolution. People on the street came up to the demo to find out more what it was all about; several seemed interested, and eagerly took the pamphlets and newspapers that were being distributed.

The demonstrators first stopped at the skate park, where another comrade briefly spoke about the conditions for young people in the region, who are faced with a high rate of unemployment, miserable wages and also a lot of repression : as in so many places, the police here target and harass those young people who they consider “marginal”.

The demonstration once again started moving. It was at the point of its second stop, in front of the Muller Forges, that a ton of cops (11 cars) suddenly rush onto the scene; there were cops from St-Jerome, of course, but also from other neighbouring towns like Sainte-Sophie, Saint-Hyppolite, Mirabel and Rivière du- Nord, as well as an agent from the Quebec Provincial Police’s intelligence unit. The cops jumped out of their cars and rushed the demonstrators, making a point of going after those who were holding the banners and loud speakers. Without giving any warning they started arresting people, yelling that everyone was going to be charged with “obstruction” (while in fact they were the ones who had come and obstructed a perfectly legal demonstration).

When a demonstrator – who was standing two meters away – simply asked a cop why they were doing this, the cop replied by dousing them with pepper spray. Another cop, who was doing as he was told but seemed completely confused, was also asked why people were being arrested; he answered that “You didn’t do anything but you did not ask for a permit, so I think that’s a case of obstruction”!

As the first people were arrested the majority of the demonstrators managed to flee through the surrounding streets and parks. In the end nine people were brought to the police station and given court dates to face charges of “obstructing a police officer”.

According to the police “logic”, the demonstrators broke the law by marching in the streets once they had been told not to. It seems that disobeying an order, even an order which is contrary to constitutional law, constitutes “obstruction” to police! It seems certain that such ridiculous charges will not hold up in court.

Politically Targetted Repression
In an article published in the August 24th edition of Saint-Sauveur’s weekly Accès newspaper, sergeant Robin Pouliot of the St-Jerome police confirmed the purely political nature of the police action. The reporter who spoke to him reported that “the banners which read ‘It is right to rebel!’ seemed to shock the police.” She quotes him as saying “When people distribute hateful pamphlets and break the law, they should expect a response…” Sergeant Pouliot doesn’t actually say what “law” the demonstrators broke: the “St Jerome police law” perhaps? or maybe his own private law?

These statements, as well as the presence of an officer from the QPP’s intelligence unit (who subsequently explained that she was there “to monitor the party”), shows that this was a case of deliberate and targeted political repression: the police admits having acted in order to prevent the expression of a communist point of view, which it considers “hateful”.

At the August 16th court appearance, the Crown Prosecutor assigned to the case tried to get additional release conditions imposed on the nine arrested demonstrators – whom she described as “dangerous criminals” – including forbidding them from returning to St-Jerome and most importantly, forbidding them from participating in the Montebello demonstrations against the SPP summit, which was taking place the next week. This request was denied by the court for technical reasons because the accused were not present, seeing as their presence was not required at that point of the legal proceedings. All of which makes the political nature of the August 11th police action even more clear.

A Political Battle Which Concerns Everyone

The RCP has already been active for some time in St-Jerome. Activists in the area are working to mobilize the workers and proletarian youth in the struggle against capitalism. This obviously doesn’t suit the local bourgeois, or the cops who defend them.

In 2005, during the student strike, the communists were there when the police targeted the student activists with repression. On the picket lines at the cegeps [kind of like colleges - translator], some cops acted like real pigs, punching students in the face with their bare fists.

It is clear that the police action of August 11th was no accident, whether it was motivated by a simple desire for “revenge” from the local police, or by a decision taken higher up to criminalize revolutionary communists (or some combination thereof). Regardless of what motivated it, this action should not be allowed to go unanswered.\

It goes without saying that the accused and their lawyers are preparing for a political battle in the trials which the State has imposed on them. The prosecution and the police are going to be made to publicly explain why they are still trying to apply the “padlock law” of Maurice Duplessis, which used to forbid “all communist propaganda in the province of Quebec” and which the Canadian Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional in… 1957!

But this battle does not only concern the accused, or the RCP, or the people who demonstrated on August 11th, and it has to do with a lot more than the courts : this case is of concern to all those who support the right to demonstrate, to resist and to rebel and to express dissident and revolutionary political ideas.

So let’s all go back to St-Jerome on September 29th!

-----------------------------

The Communist Party of Quebec and the North East Federation of Anarchist Communists Denounce the Police Action

The Laurentian section of the Communist Party of Quebec, some of whose members were at the August 11th demonstration, made a point of denouncing this “flagrant example of police repression, which reminds us of what we experiences at our worst moments under the rule of Maurice Duplessis.” : “It is clear that the police will not accept being challenged or called into question… We denounce the police abuse which took place on August 11th.”

Comrades from NEFAC also expressed their support : « We in NEFAC have our differences with the Maoists (sic!) but we are not so sectarian as to remain silent in such an obvious case of police repression… We ourselves have often found ourselves faced with this type of police repression, and so as NEFAC activists we are expressing our solidarity with the activists of the RCP.”




Revisiting Laws, Labels and Liberation

This Friday in Cote-des-Neiges, organized by the Philippines-Canada Task Force on Human Rights (PCTFHR) and the International League of Peoples' Struggle (ILPS):

Long-time women human rights activists to speak at a public forum "Revisiting Laws, Labels and Liberation"

For immediate release
September 24, 2007

(Montreal, Quebec) – Member organizations of the Philippines-Canada Task Force on Human Rights (PCTFHR) and the International League of Peoples' Struggle (ILPS) call on all progressive and anti-imperialist organizations and individuals at a public forum Revisiting Laws, Labels and Liberation: the Case of Professor Jose Maria Sison on Friday, September 28, 2007, 6:00-9:00 p.m. at le centre communautaire 6767, 6767 cote-des-neiges, 6th Floor.

The forum will feature two long-time women and human rights activists Ninotchka Rosca and Luningning Alcuitas-Imperial. Ms. Rosca is an award-winning novelist and the co-author of the book "Jose Maria Sison: At Home in the World - Portrait of a Revolutionary" with Professor Sison. She will share about her long personal collaboration with Professor Sison, including her insights about the impact of the political persecution on Professor Sison and the Filipino people's struggle for national liberation.

A lawyer and the Canadian representative to the International Coordinating Committee of the ILPS, Ms. Alcuitas-Imperial will share her knowledge of Professor Sison's "epic" legal battles, as well as the current deteriorating human rights situation in the Philippines and the Canadian campaign to stop the political killings in the Philippines. She will also share her experience in working with Prof. Sison as Canadian representative to the International League of Peoples' Struggle (ILPS) that Prof. Sison serves as its current chairperson.

The call to revisit Laws, labels and Liberation: the case of Professor Jose Maria Sison (LLL) is a response to the escalating human rights violations in the Philippines and the continuing political persecution of Professor Jose Maria Sison and other progressive Filipinos by the U.S., Dutch and Philippine governments. Under the U.S.-backed Philippine President Arroyo, more than 1000 people have been summarily killed or forcibly disappeared with another 1 million forcibly displaced. The recent of arrest of Prof. Sison based on fabricated charges that had been dismissed with finality by the Supreme of the Philippines, is a sign of desperation and failure of these governments to repress the heightening clamor to stop the killings and uphold human rights in the Philippines and restart the stalled peace negotiations between the National Democratic Front and the Government of the Republic of the Philippines.

In May 2004, the LLL international conference critically examined the deteriorating human rights situation in the Philippines and the impact of the U.S. 'anti-terrorism laws' on the right to national liberation and the future of human rights using the specific case of Professor Sison's unjust labelling as a 'terrorist' by the U.S., Dutch, European Union, Philippine and Canadian governments.

Revisiting Laws, Labels and Liberation is a public forum that will re-examine the intensifying repression of anti-imperialist movements that are waging the struggle for national liberation and democracy, such as the Philippines and the impact of the Prof. Sison's case in our communities.


For more information:
Montreal: (514) 678-3901
pwcofquebec@gmail.com



---Philippine Women Centre of Quebec---
Under the supervision of the National Alliance of Philippine Women in Canada (NAPWC), we are an institution of research, education, advocacy, and capacity building by Filipino women for the Filipino community.
Tel: (514) 678-3901



Friday, September 21, 2007

Police Harassment of Immigrants in Cote-des-Neiges: Filipinos Not Allowed To Protest In Their Own Neighbourhood

For immediate release
Philippines-Canada Task Force on Human Rights
September 21, 2007

Filipinos driven away from their own community by Montreal police intimidation

(Montreal, Quebec) During a peaceful demonstration yesterday in front of the Plamondon metro station in Montreal's Cote-des-Neiges area, peace-loving Filipinos and Canadians were driven away from their own community by the Montreal Police.

This rally marked the 35th anniversary of then President Ferdinand Marcos' declaration of Martial law on September 21, 1972, a period of fascist dictatorship and gross human rights violations by the Philippine government.

"The Marcos regime violated every human right imaginable including torture and displacement of communities. In Canada, where we have an international reputation as a defender of human rights, it is inconceivable that the police would disrupt, intimidate, and harass a peaceful demonstration in favour of human rights and against authoritarianism," states Cecilia Diocson, Eastern Co-ordinator for the Philippines-Canada Task Force on Human Rights (PCTFHR).

Two officers of Station 25 harassed and intimated the protesters, even following them across the street when the protesters agreed to move away from the metro station. The officers claimed that they had received complaints from the Montreal Transport Commission and from commuters, and instructed them to keep their placards down and the bullhorn off, despite support of nearby community members who readily took flyers and gave encouraging comments to the protestors.

This protest was part of national actions to be held in Vancouver and Toronto later today and an international campaign to stop extra-judicial killings and human rights violations in the Philippines today under current President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. KARAPATAN, a human rights group in the Philippines, has documented 886 extra-judicial killings since the Arroyo presidency in 2001.

A Filipino ghetto, the Cote-des-Neiges district of Montreal has become a hotbed of police intimidation, harrassment, and brutality particularly against newly-arrived Filipino youth. "'Racial profiling' is a common experience in our community, and is part of a growing fascisation around the world. Rather than intimidate us, we see a greater need now to further assert our democratic rights and freedoms." says Neil Castro, member of Kabataang Montreal, a Montreal Filipino youth organization. Nearly 60% of Quebec's Filipino community reside in the Cote-des-Neiges area, a multicultural neighbourhood where 40% of residents live under the poverty live.

The group of activists plan to file a complaint against the Montreal police for the intimidation and harassment during yesterday's action.

-30-

Media contact: Josie Caro (514) 678-3901


Some context: Cote-des-Neiges is a mixed class neighbourhood tucked behind Montreal's "mountain", pretty much the northwest edge before you hit what begin to feel like suburbs. It is also one of the city's most heavily immigrant neighbourhoods, with a majority of people over age fifteen having been born outside of Canada. In recent years most of these people have come from Russia, the Philippines and the Caribbean, but the neighbourhood is home to folks from all around the world.

All across Canada, immigrants' first years after arrival in this country are often filled with hardship, but after then ones fortunes can begin to improve, but more and more this "bounce back" phenomenon is reserved for those who are white. For those who come from the Third World, even those with professional qualifications and middle class aspirations, a variety of factors conspire to proletarianize them, maintaining their communities as sources of cheap and flexible labour for the city's service and manufacturing sectors, normally without any benefit of unionization.

So when the Philippines-Canada Task Force on Human Rights talks about 40% of Cote-des-Neiges residents living beneath the poverty line, you have to understand that while initially this may hit all immigrants hard, in the long term it's hitting people hardest based on the colour of their skin.

One aspect of this racist proletarianization is police harassment, which singles out young Blacks and Asians in the neighbourhood for identity checks, questioning, tickets and arrest. Especially over the past twelve months, Station 25 has repeatedly found itself in the news, its cops charged with racist harassment, arrests and beatings of Black people in the area. Many, though not all, of these cases were attributed to "Project Advance", an anti-gang unit of some sort which has been set up in the area, but about which no real information seems to be available. It led to a situation where the local city councilor said that he had received more complaints about police this summer then in the previous ten years.

It is within this context that members of the Filipino community have also began coming forward, telling of how they are harassed and abused by the local police. Like all immigrant communities, people who come to Canada from the Philippines have there own class and political characteristics. Specifically in Cote-des-Neiges, where over 65% of Montreal 20,000 Filipinos live, these are mainly working class people, and many live in households headed by women who entered Canada as part of the ultra-exploitative Live-In Caregiver Program, whereby each year 2,000 people (mostly women, often with training as nurses or other healthcare providers) are "allowed" into Canada on condition that they work as live-in help for two years, receiving minimum wage for a "forty hour week" while in fact being on call 24 hours a day, week in and week out.

Once these women have worked for the required period of time, they are allowed to stay in Canada and their children from the Philipines are allowed to come and join them; these kids often arrive, having been part of the middle class back home, only to find that here all kinds of mechanisms are working together to push them into a new immigrant proletariat. Often, in order to help make ends meet, they must leave school and take on precarious forms of employment. As they get harassed by police in parks or on the street, there is a real fear that if they lodge a complaint or go to the media that they and their parents will be forced out of the country. When Kabataang-Montreal held a press conference last week about a young Filipino woman who was brutalized by the police, the woman and her family were too intimidated to show up, canceling at the last minute. This is the effect of racism in Montreal, and this is one of the challenges to those hoping to organize against racist police harassment in the area.

So police harassment of Filipino youth in the Cote-des-Neiges area is both part of the police's ongoing racist repression of people of colour, and of the police's ongoing oppression of working class people. An example of how, as my comrade J. Sakai has said, "'Class' without race in North America is an abstraction. And vice-versa. "

It's difficult to say how things will progress from here. While problems with police do seem to have spiked recently, it would be false to point to this as a new phenomenon; it is here that cops from Station 25 killed the young Mohamed Anas Bennis in 2005. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that this problem has been spoken of much more recently, and is much more in the public eye. Aggravating the situation are the hints of gentrification one sees in the area, still at a slow pace, but you can see it happening here and there. As police are agents of class control, the dislocation and dispossession which accompany gentrification are bound to give rise to more incidents over time.

It remains to be seen how the various lefts will respond. While certain groups do have organic ties to the community, the most politicized elements remain separated from each other, and the focus is often, understandably, on struggles in peoples' countries of origin. At the moment, the Filipino left seems exceptional in the degree to which it is focusing on people's local problems with Canadian capitalism. Grounded very quietly in a marxist leninist perspective, groups like Kabataang Montreal, SIKLAB and the Philippine Womens Centre do tie their work around people's oppression here to an anti-imperialist view of people's struggles in the Philippines.

This seems to be a good strategy, but i don't know how far it will be able to go, and how it will relate to the proletariat of tomorrow. For instance, it made me wince to read Cecilia Diocson saying that "In Canada, where we have an international reputation as a defender of human rights, it is inconceivable that the police would disrupt, intimidate, and harass a peaceful demonstration in favour of human rights and against authoritarianism." But this rhetorical strategy of trying to play up Canada ("defender of human rights") in order to win sympathy is a common one for organizations which have a narrow focus on rallying opposition to Regime X elsewhere in the world. Even in a press release protesting against police harassment this kind of ploy can re-appear almost as a knee jerk reaction.

It remains to be seen where all this will lead...



Thursday, September 20, 2007

Kahentinetha Horn: Two Six Nations Youth Defend Themselves From Five Thugs

The following from Kahentinetha Horn's Mohawk News Network:

MNN. Sept. 15, 2007. On September 13th at around 4:00 pm. witnesses saw non-native men running out, picking up weapons and going back into the unfinished house. Inside they had ambushed two Indigenous youth. The kids' backs were against the wall. They have a right to self-defense. The two youth had gone into the house. One went one way and the other went in another direction. That's when the older Indigenous boy caught the non-native man beating his younger brother.

The OPP had stopped construction that morning at 9:00 am. Meetings were going on between the Six Nations and the "Crown" that afternoon about the land. Stirling construction was illegally building houses on Six Nations land.

It is worth noting that the Ontario Provincial Police were there throughout the incident "to maintain the peace". They had not verified that all workers had left or that the area was secure. They stood by and watched the non-native men go into the house with clubs. They did not help the two Indigenous youths who were being attacked inside. The OPP admitted, "We were caught off guard". Or they were using their discretion not to intervene!

Apparently two Indigenous youth had entered the "empty" building and surprised the non-natives who were inside. It was the Gualtieri brothers, Sam and Joe, and their three nephews. They started to beat one of the youth, a very young teenager. The older youth walked in and found Sam Gualtieri had his young brother against the wall with a bar pressed across his throat, ready to kill him. He grabbed whatever he could find to save his young brother. Joe Gualtieri watched as his partner in crime Sam took a beating. These burly guys and their nephews were over confident. They had numbers, strength and weight on their side, while the kids were fighting for their lives.

The Gualtieris said they were just checking on the "home" which was behind the Six Nations blockade. They stated they were merely "protecting each other" from the boys.

Then the Gualtieri stated that the two boys invited them "to have a [schoolyard] fight". "When you enter into a fight willingly, it isn't an assault, is it?" What about when a fight is provoked?

The blockade is along the Grand River in southwestern Ontario . The two young boys were part of the group that was defending the land from an illegal housing development by Stirling Construction. It is one and a half kilometers from "Kanonhstaton" which was reclaimed by the Six Nations on February 28, 2006.

Corporate media reported that 52-year old Sam Gualtieri was seriously injured. He was in the nearby Hagersville county hospital and shipped to Hamilton for testing.

The spokesperson for the Confederacy Royaner [Chiefs] immediately distanced himself from the defenders of the land. He issued a statement condemning the boys and apologizing to the Gualtieri family. The Royaner condemned all defenders by saying "they're on their own". He said they will support "peaceful actions" only. His apology for an act of self-defense by the Indigenous boys shows how even our own members can be ensnared by bad press that always presumes that we are guilty before being proven innocent. Even we can get sucked in by the mythology that blames us for all violence.

According to the Two Row Wampum Agreement between independent nations, the Confederacy has the responsibility to investigate the incident before commenting on it. If the five non-natives are at fault, they must be turned over to the colonial authorities to be dealt with. If the Indigenous youth have any culpability, the Confederacy and its people will deal with it.

On the other hand, if any member of the Confederacy wipes their hands of responsibility for its people and turns them over to the colonial authorities, then the Royaner has violated wampum 58. Those indigenous people who follow foreign laws have alienated themselves from their nation. They forfeit their title and the gustowi falls from their brow. The office shall always remain with the people.

Should the Royaner choose to submit himself or his people to foreign laws, they are no longer in but out of the nation. Persons of their class shall be called, "they have alienated themselves". They shall forfeit all birthrights and claims of the Confederacy and to the territory.

These sanctions on the "Royaner" are not imposed without warning. Now that the facts of the situation are known then someone must take the time to warn the "Royaner" of their duties. The clan mothers have the duty to correct any erring Royaner who deviate from their duties according to the Kaianereh'kowa/Great Law of Peace. If the Royaner don't support the youth or the people, then the women have to step in.

On-going talks have put development at a standstill. These non-native developers are intruders, instigators, trespassers and law breakers. Mayor Marie Trainor of Caledonia went later to the construction site. Many have noticed that whenever the Six Nations makes any headway in the talks, a diversion like this sometimes happens.

The Indigenous youth had a right to question these men who were trespassing. The Galtieri family were trying to make a political statement. It ended with our boys getting ambushed inside the house and the boys acting in self-defense as they should.

According to the Kaianerehkowa, each indigenous person has the duty to protect the land. If they could have, these boys could have gotten our own authorities to the site. The indigenous people with the chiefs could have gone there to remove these intruders and the youth could have avoided being ambushed.



Jacqueline House on Recent Events in Six Nations

From Jacqueline House, regarding the September 13th fight which left Sam Gualtieri unconscious in Caledonia:

What has been happening here on Six Nations?

Scano

Tonight, my heart is heavy. However, I thought I would write a little of the past few days. First of all, there have been a few of us gathering on a daily basis discussing Unity for our people, to find a way to come together. We came up with an education march. We feel education is what is lacking and if we could learn to reach out to one another and share knowledge with one another, we can start building some gaps. There are two governing bodies; one is our customs through our traditions. We are born into this; therefore, are our inherent rights. The other has been illegally placed upon us to divide and conquer our existence. We are not saying or trying to convince anybody to believe where we are coming from, but to learn the truth of what has happened to us. We came up with doing three themes, the first one we did on Thursday September 13th, "Where We Were" which consists of who we are. The second we are doing October 19th will focus on, "Where We Are". The third one we not have set a date but will target, "Where We Are Going".

A few of us marched from Polytec into the front yard of the Band Administration Office where we placed our signs all over the front yard. We had a lot of support and quite a few people coming up to us and asking what we were doing and they felt it was a great idea. Other's were giving us information such as the construction in Caledonia and another informed us that Elected Dave General was holding a private meeting of governance and it was his second gathering with other elected officials as far as Rochester New York, and some thought there was a parade of some sort. After spending a little time on the front lawn, we decided to take our sign and mobile ourselves taking us into Mr. General's meeting where we held up our signs so the delegation can see them clearly. We were so nonchalant as we just stood there holding our signs. We did share the mike with Dave; after all, he was the entertainment. He and his elected buddies got to hear the Declaration of Independence for the first time. They got to here our concerns of how they are misusing our money, how they don't care for our elders, how they are arms to the government and how they are a part of committing genocide on their own people.

We then drove over to the development and enforced our stance; which is, no development on the Haldimand Proclamation as we are in a process of a resolution. Everything was fine until one of our young men started putting up our Hiawatha flag and the developer got hostile, so angry that he climbed up the scaffold cussing and then began throwing things such as the board with the cement mix on it and tried ripping down our flag. The developer then gave a press release and after about 10 minutes everyone left. Two and half hours later five men sit and watch waiting for the perfect opportunity to express their anger and hatred for what, a flag? The baseball bat that they carried was an assault weapon as they had every intention on using it to inflict pain. Instead, one of their own was hurt and by no means, do not put words into my mouth, as I am so relieved he is alright because this isn't about hurting one another it is about respect. We have customs and we have laws and we need ours respected just the same as one wants there's. We have shown this all of our lives for hundreds of years and now is the time to show the host the courtesy of having visitors. I also want to stress, there are two sides to a coin, and one does not override the other just because of the color of one's skin.

With this note: I am calling on Marie Trainer of Haldimand County and hold her accountable as she is well aware of a "Notification Agreement" regarding; development, land, water, animals, and most importantly there is an emergency phase where she could have called all parties that are involved to the table, to try defuse the situation. In fact, I have tried to meet with her and talk so that Peace begins to roll off her tongue as it is significant to uphold the Treaty of Peace. The community of friends have requested to meet with her, only to be ignored. Again I hold Mayor Marie Trainer and the OPP accountable for the terror that has been inflicted upon our people as they continue to tarnish Her Honor by not helping to keep the peace by not helping to protect Her Majesty's interest.

This day will be burned in our heads forever as we were forced to stand there and watch our people again being pepper sprayed, hand cuffed and thrown into jail when we have done nothing wrong. We just got thrown back to a time where we are being robbed and molested of our lands. What's next - Residential schools? Oh yeah they have there puppet government working on that as our language was just cutback. Is it me or does it seem we are taking a step back into a dark history where our people were physically attacked and our children kidnapped?

P/S Thanks for modern technology for without camera's and video's, people might not believe what we are saying.

Also I send my best wishes to the family that is involved.

Nya weh
Always Jacqueline